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Jacobinism

Jacques Guilhaumou

Dictionnaire Critique du Marxism.

Labica-Bensussan, Paris, Quadrigue / Presses Universitaires de France, 1999. First edition, 1982

, pp. 622-626 . Is not legitimate to attribute to Antonio Gramsci's originality questioning of Jacobinism, "in the full sense of that term has historically been and should have as its concept" (

Gr ds text - GT_, p. 245)? It was as if the other "classics of Marxism" spoke French politics without ever worrying, especially as, the concept of Jacobinism. The most recent work in this area may lend itself to such an interpretation, yet it is a red herring. In that way so borrowed hides the complex history of the reference of the French Revolution in the Marxist tradition and the labor movement, we shall not, of itself, to explain the theoretical parentage Terror (Marx) hegemony of the people (Lenin), Jacobinism (Gramsci), it does not correct the issue of posture Jacobin in the analysis of situations: the designation of the real historical movement.

The translation of the concept of Jacobinism reached its maximum effective in Prison Notebooks

, but never as an analysis separate from the question French Revolution . What is at work in the texts of Gramsci, is all set on the French revolutionary experience scattered in philosophical and historical writings of Marx.

The Italian Communist leader tries to develop a project of the young Marx ("The Revolution French: the story of the birth of the modern state ", IA, p. 602; VPD, 3, 537) in a study on "the historical relationship between the modern state was born of French Revolution and other modern states of continental Europe" (Prison Notebooks, Gallimard, t.1, p. 156). He compares the revolutionary path imposed by the "French terrorist unit, unit of hegemony dominated by the democratic political apparatus (the club sections), the model of modern state formation in nineteenth e century the "passive revolution". It defines the strategy

of permanent revolution in reference to events taking place in France from 1789 to 1870. (GT, p. 494). It combines the "force Jacobin" creation ex nihilo

"a national-popular collective will" (GT, p. 425). The work to which Gramsci's book does not pretend to reproduce the complex path of Marx's thought on the French case, but rather, by amplifying the analysis of the Marxist tradition of the ratio of the Jacobins in civil society, the "Party Jacobin "in the State Modern (Quaderni del carcere, p. 2010), highlighting the strategic concepts of permanent revolution and "national-popular Jacobin" (concept of "political hegemony" of "alliance between bourgeois intellectuals and the people "Quint, p. 1914).

Let us follow in the texts of Marx and Engels, the emergence of historical categories Jacobin. Early on, Marx was fascinated by the action of "Hero of the French Revolution," by the tragic figures of Robespierre and Saint-Just: these "spokesmen of the masses" (SF, p. 144 ff; MEW, 2, 125 ff), "authentic representatives of the revolutionary forces, that is to say beyond single class authentically revolutionary "mass innumerable" (IA, p. 204; MEW, 3, 161) - the "political emancipation" (QJ, Aubier, 113; MEW, I, 367) who produced "State only policy" the "political principle itself" (Cripol., p. 176; MEW, I, 319). By the "revolutionary energy", the "intellectual conscience of their value" and "general negative meaning associated with the nobility and the clergy "( Cridr., MEW, I, 389; Aubier, p. 93), the" men of Terror "(SF) produced an" abstract reality ": the "will" as the incarnation of the "principle of policy", the "principle of the state" (Reviews in margin ...; MEW, I, 402, trans.

apud

Grandjonc, Marx and German Communists in Paris , Maspero, 1794, p. 154). It seems, after Hegel, Marx notes that the world turned on its head, the Jacobins sought to achieve a "optical illusion", the reverse order (civil society-bourgeois) and medium (politics) of bourgeois emancipation. Marx calls the "enigma of psychological and theoretical" (QJ, 113; MEW, I, 367) this "genius that exalts the physical force for political power" (

Cridr. ). From "1793 to 1794 in France", the "Terror" is the "moment of enthusiasm," which is sacrificed to a bourgeois society "ancient conception of political life" (SF, p. 149; MEW, 2, 130). Politics between "violent contradiction with its own conditions of existence, declaring the revolution to the permanent state" (QJ, Aubier, 81; MEW, I, 357). A "tragic illusion" is practiced by men who go to the guillotine because they led battle "against bourgeois society" while proclaiming the rights of man, the sanctity of the principles of this company (SF, p. 148; 129). It is understandable why Marx envisioned in 1844 to write a History of the Convention , this revolutionary assembly which was "the maximum energy policy and power politics" and that it can be said of the French Revolution was "the classical period of political intelligence" ( Cr.en margin ... cit. ibid). But it is only in search of a strategy of class struggle to the events of 1848 that Engels and Marx will involve what should be the "land revolution" in historical categories Jacobin. Communist leaders opposed to the conquest "revolutionary" of the "legal ground "By the bourgeoisie conservative" revolution without revolution "(Robespierre), the" legal title of the revolutionary people, "a" social contract "(Rousseau) between the people and the revolution (NGRh, II, P. 234-235; MEW, 6, 112). The reference to 1793 will become a classic Marxist tradition. The French Revolution, the Revolution English, the "European-style revolution" and has allowed "the triumph of the bourgeoisie and a new social system" (NGRh, II, p. 229; MEW, 6, 107) the "coincidence of a people's revolution and the emancipation of a particular class." So are attested characteristics of any anti-feudal struggle led to the end: a "popular movement" which establishes, in a "Convention" means the "great struggle passion parties" and that updates the democratic right of the masses to act morally, by their presence on the behavior of constituent assemblies "8NGRh., II, p. 33, MEW, 5, 406) - "Terror," "plebeian way to end the enemies of the bourgeoisie." All features and especially the spokesman, who were missing

happened. The European revolutions of 1848 will generate a new generation of Liberal parliamentarians type 1789 (Rhenish liberal jurists of the Prussian National Assembly) and "the spirit of socialist system", pedants of the old tradition revolution of 1793 (the "party" French republican; NGRh, I, p. 181, and II, p. 85; MEW, 5, 133-134 and 448). 1793, tragic episode in history, is reprinted in the form of farce, "conquests tragi-comedy. " The movement is fundamental: the reference Jacobin has lost its designation of the real role of the historical necessity of the moment.

He returned to Lenin have reflects the Jacobin transformation into a revolutionary strategy of conquest of power. In his critical posture is determined by the concrete Jacobin. In What? , about use in the polemics between the Social Democrats managed to divide Mountain Gironde in the revolutionary French bourgeoisie, he stated the only issue legitimate in the historical moment: "Who sits on the ground of the class struggle of the proletariat? "Thus, the Social Democrat is the Jacobin revolutionary," inextricably linked to the organization of the proletariat, conscious of its class interests "(W, 7, p. 399). The bourgeois democratic revolution known type 1789 "allowed" self-organization of the proletariat "(W, 8, Revolution type 1789 or type 1848?"). The Convention is the "dictatorship of the lower strata of the proletariat and petty bourgeoisie" (W, II, p. 51), these layers "below "During" brief periods of their hegemony "exercised" a decisive influence on the degree of democracy to be enjoyed by the country during the tens of years of evolution known as calm that followed "(W, 17, "old truths, but still news"). The recall of the "spirit of 1793" establishes "connections", the "similarities" with the "historical analogies, but it does not copy the Jacobins or identify with:" The example of Jacobins is instructive. It has not aged, but it must be applied to the revolutionary class of XX e century "(O. 25," Of the enemies of the people ", June 1917, also p. 123-125). In summary: education emerges from the Marxist tradition, Gramsci will specify in an analysis of Jacobinism as political knowledge, the first historical manifestation of politics as an autonomous science. Risk a hypothesis the report of Jacobinism upon Marxist political tradition is simply the translation of the dialectical principle of equality. "The Buffett has knowledge that man another man as his equal and the behavior of man against another man as vis-à-vis his equal "(SF, p. 50; MEW, 2 , 40-41) are a subjectivity in act, a policy be translated into practice a strategy of class struggle. In this connection, Lenin emphasizes three features of a passage Holy Family (O., 38, p. 25): "What Edgar wants to look good for a while the equality French with German self-consciousness, and if seen that the second principle expresses the German , that is to say in abstract thought, what the first said to the French , that is ie in the language of politics and intuitive thinking. " Gramsci said, several times, this "language analysis Jacobin" around the fact that the "legal and political language of the Jacobins and the concepts of classical German philosophy" are "parallel and translatable in a direction and the other" (Quint, p. 2028), as follows: "This passage is from The Holy Family very important to understand some aspects of the philosophy of praxis, to find the solution of many apparent contradictions of historical development, and to answer some objections directed against the surface historiographical theory (it is also useful in combating some mechanistic abstractions ) "(GT., p. 230)

BIBLIOGRAPHY .- J. Bruhat, The French Revolution and the formation of Marx's thought , Historic Annals of the French Revolution, No. 184, 1966; C. Buci-Glucksmann, Gramsci and state

, Fayard, 1975; B. Conein,

The style of Prince and the Jacobin policy in his Prison Notebooks , Proceedings of the Symposium Gramsci (Nanterre, Paris X, January, 1978); Auguste Cornu, Karl Marx's Stellung zur Französischen Revolution und Robespierre zu (1843-1845), in Maximilien Robespierre , hrsg. W. MARKOV, Berlin, 1961; V. Dalin, Lenin and Jacobinism , Annals History of the French Revolution, No 203, 1971, J. Guilhaumou, The French case in the Prison Notebooks: Permanent Revolution and apparatus of hegemony , proceedings Gramsci, J. Guilhaumou, Hegemony and Jacobinism in the Prison Notebooks: Gramsci and Jacobinism historical , Journal of History of the Maurice Thorez, No. 32-33, 1979; G.

Labica,

From equality , Dialectics, No. 1-2, 1973 , VI Lenin, nd, 8, 483 (Engels est qualifié de "vrai de la social-démocratie Jacobin"), 24-123; C. MAZAURIC, Jacobinisme et révolution

  • , Paris, ES, 1984; H. Portelli, Jacobinisme et anti-jacobinisme de Gramsci , dialectique, n º 4-5, 1975; E. SCHMITT et M. MEYM, origin and character of the French Revolution, Marx and Engels in From the Ancien Regime to the French Revolution , Göttingen 1978th Correlates .- Dictature du proletariat, Egalité, Gramscisme, Hégémonie, Révolution française, Social Democracy, Terrorism. Abbreviations MEW Marx-Engels Werke. Berlin, Dietz-Verlag, 39 vol. ES
  • Editions sociales, Paris.
  • O.

Lenin, Collected Works, Moscow, Paris, 47 vol.

Cridr.

Introduction of 1843 KM IA

German Ideology NRGh.

the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, KM / FE SF

Holy Family

QJ The Jewish Question QP

Prison Notebooks, Gallimard, GA. QDC

Prison Notebooks, AG.

GT

Gramsci dans le texte, AG.

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